Weather Underground

The Weather Underground, a terrorist group's name derived from a Bob Dylan song. The members were very largely grossly extremist, Racist Jews full of hate. They were intent on the overthrow of the American government in order to establish another Soviet state.

You just might think that the Wiki's article was written by one of their fans. Naturally the Wiki does not make any mention of them being Jews. But it does accuse Ted Gold, Terry Robbins & Bernardine Dohrn, among others of being "God's Chosen People" in their biographies. The Occidental Observer does not hesitate to tell the truth. Karl Nemmersdorf in his article, Leather-Jacketed Coke-Snorting Jews in the Soviet Secret Police Torturing, Raping and Killing Gentiles The Evidence tells us about the unmitigated evil lusting for opportunities.

One of Weather's sayings was:-
                                            The issue is not the issue

Decoded it means:-
                                            The issue is not the real issue; it is just an excuse to incite hatred, to achieve power.

They really meant it. Hillary Clinton really meant it; they all did. Resentment leads to hate, violence & power. What were they about? See the Conclusion and ask yourself whether they are succeeding.

Reveille for Radicals & Hillary Clinton      
In 1969, the year that publishers reissued Alinsky's first book, Rules for Radicals, a Wellesley undergraduate named Hillary Rodham submitted a 92-page research project on Alinsky for her senior thesis. In her conclusion Clinton compared Alinsky to Eugene Debs, Walt Whitman and Martin Luther King, as someone who was considered dangerous not because he was a self-declared enemy of the American system, but because he “embraced the most radical of political faiths -- democracy.”
The title of Clinton’s thesis was “There Is Only the Fight: An Analysis of the Alinsky Model.” In this title she had identified the single most important Alinsky contribution to the radical cause – his embrace of political nihilism. An SDS radical once wrote, “The issue is never the issue. The issue is always the revolution.” In other words, the cause of a political action – whether civil rights or women’s rights – is never the real cause; women, blacks and other “victims” are only instruments in the larger cause, which is power . Battles over rights and other issues, according to Alinsky, should never be seen as more than occasions to advance the real agenda, which is the accumulation of power and resources in radical hands. Power is the all-consuming goal of Alinsky’s politics.

This focus on power was illustrated by an anecdote recounted in a New Republic article that appeared during Obama’s presidential campaign: “When Alinsky would ask new students why they wanted to organize, they would invariably respond with selfless bromides about wanting to help others. Alinsky would then scream back at them that there was a one-word answer: ‘You want to organize for power!’ In Rules for Radicals, Alinsky wrote: “From the moment an organizer enters a community, he lives, dreams, eats, breathes, sleeps only one thing, and that is to build the mass power base of what he calls the army.” The issue is never the issue. The issue is always building the army. The issue is always the revolution.

Guided by these principles, Alinsky’s disciples are misperceived as idealists; in fact, they are practiced Machiavellians. Their focus is invariably on means rather than ends. As a result they are not bound by organizational orthodoxies or theoretical dogmatisms in the way their still admired Marxist forebears were. Within the framework of their revolutionary agendas, they are flexible and opportunistic and will say anything (and pretend to be anything) to get what they want, which is power

 

Ted Gold and the Jews of Weatherman, Part 1        
September 14, 2017/69 Comments/in Featured Articles, Jews and the Left /by Karl Nemmersdorf

Townhouse explosion in Greenwich Village, 1970

Ted Gold was a Jewish member of Weatherman, the Communist terror group of the late 1960s and 70s, which was a radical spin-off from the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). Gold is best known for perishing in the dramatic explosion in the New York townhouse caused by Weatherman’s ignorance of how to build a powerful bomb that explodes when desired and not before. His real importance, however, lies not in his spectacular demise, but rather in his frank public call for a communist dictatorship in this country, run by a revolutionary committee from the Third World. Consistent with the thesis that Jews place a high value on group interests, Gold worked unwaveringly within a mainstream Jewish subculture against Whites and White power, the enemy whose destruction many Jews thought would advance their own influence and power.

Gold’s Early Years     
Gold was born in New York City in December 1947. His father was a doctor and his mother a professor at Columbia University. His parents were classic liberals of the era; his father worked for civil rights in the South and volunteered his medical services on behalf of the poor on the East Side. The family lived on the Upper West Side, and were generally considered as upper middle class.¹

As a child, Ted played stickball with his father and became an avid sports fan. He earned his way into a top high school, Stuyvesant, where he graduated 212 in a class of 699, with an 89% average. (The Weathermen are fond of describing each other as “brilliant,” but 89% is a bit removed from brilliant.) He joined the track team, the Stamp Club, and the History and Folklore Society and was also “politically active” in the civil rights movement, helping to set up a chapter of “Friends of SNCC” (Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee), which provided material support for civil rights workers. (Have you ever heard of a gentile who was so politically active in high school?) Gold’s parents also sent him to summer “camp,” Camp Webatuck, whose clientele was basically red diaper babies. I send my son to camp, where he exerts himself physically and comes home enthralled with the joys of athletic competition and boyish camaraderie. Camp Webatuck was for socialization in Leftist ideology, complete with Woody Guthrie music: “labor songs, unstructured hours, muted Marxist rhetoric.”²

By 1963, Gold was very pro-Castro. He was sixteen. He loved the Yankees, the Knicks, and a Communist dictatorship.

University Years: SDS      
Gold entered prestigious Columbia University in the fall of 1964. There he became even more politically active. He and his new friends, including David Gilbert (also Jewish), were inflamed about the civil rights movement, the Vietnam War, and U.S. imperialism. He helped Gilbert “educate” and “organize” other students about these issues. Gold joined SDS, the largest American left-wing organization after the steep decline of the Old Left. The leadership of SDS, especially in Columbia, was heavily Jewish, of course.³ Thus, Gold left his Jewish home to enter Columbia University, where most if not all his friends were Jewish, where a large number of faculty were Jewish, and he joined a leftist political organization whose leadership was almost wholly Jewish.

In 1967, Gold became vice-chairman of the Columbia SDS chapter. The chairman was his friend and roommate, Ted Kaptchuk (also Jewish). Gold, Gilbert, and Kaptchuk were moderates intent on building up the organization through education and patient work. They, with most other SDS members, wanted to build a large movement that could force change on America and end the Vietnam War. However, Mark Rudd’s more radical group within the Columbia chapter, dubbed the “Action Faction,” aggressively pushed Gold and his compadres aside in the winter of 1967–68, and took control of the chapter. In the spring of 1968 Rudd—also Jewish; original name Rudnitsky—proceeded to lead a brazen student takeover of the University. Gold played a role in the takeover, but was not yet among the hardline militants. In the course of the revolt, however, Gold reportedly grew attracted to Rudd’s flamboyant revolutionary style, and became convinced of the political value of violence. His transformation from mild-mannered leftist “organizer” to (literal) bomb-throwing Communist revolutionary had begun.⁴

Weatherman   
In the summer of 1969, the radical leaders of the Columbia strike, along with like-minded SDS agitators from the Midwest—among them the now-famous Bill Ayers—forced a break with the more moderate mass of SDSers. They dubbed themselves “Weatherman” after a Bob Dylan song. John Jacobs (who wrote their manifesto “You Don’t Need a Weatherman to Tell Which Way the Wind Blows”), Mark Rudd, and Bernardine Dorhn were the most prominent leaders of the new faction. Jacobs was a Jew and Dohrn had a Jewish father, original name Ohrnstein. Gold never became a leader of the group, being overshadowed by the dominant trio, yet he wholeheartedly threw in his lot with them.

The Weathermen were angry about what they saw as U.S. imperialist rule over much of the world, and in particular about the Vietnam War, which they labelled an unjust war against the Vietnamese people and another facet of U.S. imperialism. The salient point of U.S. imperialism, they held, was its racism: Whites were dominating much of the world and living the good life off the stolen resources of the non-Whites. Moreover, it was not just the White power structure: all American Whites, even blue-collar workers, were complicit in this racist system, benefiting from it and essentially supporting it. The Weathermen hated Whites with a virulent intensity, and they campaigned against—perhaps you have encountered this term—“White privilege.” (The modern theory of “White privilege” derives from Theodore Allen, a Communist non-Jew, and the Jew Noel Ignatiev, whose work was very influential with the New Left.⁵) The Weathermen conceived their role as working to initiate a struggle on U.S. soil to join the worldwide revolutionary struggle against White colonial domination, with the goal of overthrowing the U.S. government and establishing a communist state.

Ah, sweet utopia! The Weathermen thought that provocative, violent street actions would win them adherents and lead to a successful revolution. This strategy was almost wholly rejected even by the larger world of the New Left, but a few hundred Weathermen embraced it fanatically.⁶

Weatherman, while operating within the larger Marxist worldview of “oppression,” “imperialism,” and “exploitation,” transferred their agent of revolution from the proletariat (which was too White and satisfied to participate in their program) to the Blacks and coloreds of the world — to the groups they considered most likely to rain destruction down upon the hated Whites. Of course, all the “victim” groups that the Left agitates for are merely means to the end, which is, seizing power. This point was openly conceded by various radical groups in the New Left, with their slogan, “the issue is not the issue.” Rudd says of the results of the Columbia University student strike: “most important, thousands of people had become radicalized. That was our biggest victory, the goal SDS had set for itself years before we even knew about IDA [Institute of Defense Analysis documents] and the gym [the two issues he used as a pretext]. We wanted to build the movement, and we succeeded.”⁷ The New Leftist Mike Goldfield wrote, “You have to realize that the issue didn’t matter. The issues were never the issues. You could have been involved with the Panthers, the Weatherpeople . . . SNCC, SDS. It didn’t really matter what. It was the revolution that was everything.”⁸

It is easy to see what advantages the Weathermen saw in destroying the U.S. government (the “White power structure”): total, unrestricted revolutionary power. It would also provide opportunity for revenge. The unbridled anger of Weatherman at “White privilege” clearly reveals this motivation. Moral theology teaches that anger is an emotion that demands external expression in revenge or punishment. Kevin MacDonald testified that among the leftist Jewish coterie he experienced at the University of Wisconsin in the 1960s there was “a strong desire for bloody, apocalyptic revenge against the entire social structure.”⁹ This desire for revenge has a long history in Jewish relations vis-à-vis the outer world.

In any case, the Weathermen launched their program with an ill-considered (to put it mildly) “National Action” slated for October 1969 in Chicago. They planned to muster thousands, maybe tens of thousands, of angry young people to revolt in the streets of the Windy City. Mayor Daley’s city. He of the muscular police force. Weatherman printed thousands of leaflets announcing their plan, and then blew up a statue dedicated to policemen on the eve of the action. Mayor Daley and his police reacted accordingly. When the Weathermen mobilized in Lincoln Park with helmets and clubs, they were badly shaken at the sight of the pitiful few who marshalled with them. Most of the Weathermen were present, but only a few score of outsiders. After months of agitating and leafleting, virtually no one had joined them. Practically everybody was repulsed by their arrogance and over-the-top militancy. Nevertheless, after speeches by Dohrn and others, they raced out of the park smashing windows and attacking the police. They were shot, beaten, and arrested for their pains. They had to fork out a fortune in bail money and face indictments for rioting. Everybody but Weatherman could see it was lunacy, but they carried on, labeling it a victory because they showed their bravery (true), and because the example of their fanaticism would draw crowds of recruits (false).

They did draw the conclusion that such street actions were unsustainable. The leaders met and decided to go “underground” and begin guerrilla warfare. In America. To bring down the state. A state that spent billions a year on its military. One explanation for this decision—which needs explaining—might be that they were reading a lot of Marx and Mao and consuming a good deal of acid. Not a great combination, for sure.

To prepare for their guerrilla campaign, Weatherman held a “war council” in Flint, Michigan, in late December 1969. The freaks dubbed it a “wargasm.”¹⁰ The gathering became notorious for Bernardine Dorhn’s disgusting acclamation of the then-recent Manson murders in California. The reason for her glee? White people had been slaughtered. She assumed they were guilty of profiting from White “imperialism.” She lauded the killers’ stabbing a fork into a victim’s stomach, and the Weathermen walked around for weeks giving each other the “fork salute,” four fingers held aloft. At this council, amid other bizarre scenes—mass karate exercises, frenzied hopping and chanting in unison, sexual orgies, discussions concerning the revolutionary value of killing White babies— the Weatherman made speeches and cavorted before the assembly. In a little-remarked oration, Gold bluntly described Weather’s vision for the future of America: when the revolution succeeded, the Weathermen would erect an “agency of the people of the world” to exercise power here.

At this point, someone in the audience exhibited some seeming good sense; he or she confronted Gold: “In short, if the people of the world succeed [in making the revolution], then the Vietnamese and Africans and the Chinese are gonna move in and run things for White America. … There will have to be more repression than ever against White people.” Chillingly, Gold replied, “Well, if it will take fascism, we’ll have to have fascism”¹¹ — i.e., a repressive regime: in this case, a communist dictatorship. How ironic. Gold had now reached the culmination of his career, having passed from the “participatory democracy” of early SDS, to the fundamental societal change of generic revolution (the Stones’ Street Fightin’ Man of 1968), to the maximum overthrow of the government and communist dictatorship. Yet the enemy had remained fixed through each phase: White people

Gold and the other Weatherman leaders understood that such an international dictatorship over the United States would entail massive repression of Whites. The supposed evil of White “imperialism”—and the impossibility of White redemption, another Weather doctrine—was the whole reason for the revolution. Mark Rudd later commented, “we had determined that there were no innocent Americans, at least no White ones.”¹² Once the revolution was enthroned, ipso facto the next step was liquidation, repression, and mass internment. Larry Grathwohl, who infiltrated Weatherman for the FBI, described Weather’s plans as including “education camps,” liquidation of all those who had held power in the “imperialist” power structure, and total thought control.¹³ A Weather triumph would have followed the exact pattern of Bolshevik Russia: massive expropriation and repression, followed by massive resistance, followed by even more massive repression. Cue the return of leather-jacketed coke-snorting Jewish secret police rounding up the gentiles for rape, torture and murder in dank abattoirs. It happened, look it up.¹⁴

 

Ted Gold and the Jews of Weatherman, Part 2          
Weather Terror: the New York Cell  
After the Flint War Council, the Weathermen organized quasi-underground cells or “collectives” in various major cities, and began planning a terror campaign. They renamed the group “Weather Underground.” The leadership assigned Gold to one of the several Weather groups based in New York. John Jacobs, always militant, led one group. Terry Robbins, a shrimpy New York Jew who was one of the strongest advocates of the terror policy, headed the main cell, which was tasked by the leadership with finding targets to bomb. At least two gentile females were members of Robbins’ cell: Cathy Wilkerson, Robbin’s girlfriend, and Diana Oughton, Bill Ayers’ girlfriend. Also present was Kathy Boudin, member of the prominent leftist Jewish Boudin legal family. Robbins, Gold, and the women based themselves in Wilkerson’s family townhouse on 11^th Street in Manhattan while her parents were on vacation.¹⁵

Gold matched the others in adopting the idea of “bringing the war home,” the Weather motto for making America’s “White power structure” feel the violence that they were inflicting on the Vietnamese. Jonathan Lerner, fellow Weatherman, recalls that he and Gold had discussed planting a bomb on a Chicago railroad to kill workers returning home at night.¹⁶ Rudd remembers that Robbins and Jacobs “would rant, “White people are pigs. This whole society has to be brought down. We have got to defeat White-skin privilege.”¹⁷ In the last days before the fatal explosion, the once mild-mannered democrat Ted Gold issued a warning that anyone defecting from the group would be subject to death, with the strong implication that he himself would kill them.¹⁸

Robbins’ cell began building a nail-studded shrapnel bomb to plant at an Army dance at Fort Dix, New Jersey. There was just one snag in their planning. None of them knew how to make a bomb.

Just before noon on March 6, 1970, the day of the planned bombing, Terry Robbins was putting the finishing touches on the crude dynamite bomb in the basement of the townhouse. He mistakenly detonated what proved to be a tremendously powerful device. The bomb instantly ripped Robbins and Diana Oughton apart. Robbins was a bit more than ripped, actually. He was shredded. The collapsing townhouse crushed Ted Gold.

I have to confess that it brings me some pleasure to relate this exquisite misadventure. Three communist terrorists destroyed with their own infernal device. Cathy Wilkerson and Kathy Boudin, occupied upstairs, were stunned but unfortunately escaped. Boudin later descended into a front “revolutionary” organization (the May 19 Communist Organization) for a sordid group of coked-up Black faux revolutionaries and helped get three gentlemen killed in the Brink’s armored car robbery in 1981. (Gold’s old buddy, the Jew David Gilbert, another “mild-mannered idealist,” is still in prison for that one. So is Judy Clark. Can you guess her ethnic background? Gilbert, described as “luminously brilliant” by a former professor, and Clark resorted to the hilarious stratagem of denying the legitimacy of the court—because they were revolutionaries you know—and refused to mount a defense. The court consequently and logically sentenced them to forever in the slammer. Boudin, however, accepted good legal advice from her father and got out after twenty years. Last time I checked she was working as—what else!—a professor at Columbia University.)

Later History: The Weather Underground   
After the shock of the townhouse the Weather Underground Organization imploded. The few who remained carried on propaganda bombings—usually restrooms in government buildings—but only sporadically after 1971. They lapsed into dormancy, with a few true believers clinging to Dohrn and occasionally issuing new missives reshaping their mushy ideology. Eventually most of them “surfaced” and faced their legal charges in the late 1970s and early 1980s. They remain important only in FBI records, and in the imagination of young radicals. They accomplished exactly nothing.

Leadership of Weatherman    
We must sketch out the leadership of Weatherman. The charismatic, attractive Dohrn seems to be the key to understanding the power nexus in the group. She had burst upon the radical scene with the looks and verve well calculated to awe the often-homely Jews of the movement (her mother was Swedish, according to Wikipedia). She quickly became the lover of John Jacobs, the swaggering militant and Marxist theoretician who provided much of the thrust behind Rudd at Columbia. Together Dohrn and Jacobs planned and carried out the break with SDS that birthed Weatherman. They dominated Weatherman for its first year, until the townhouse.

Mark Rudd was briefly in the top leadership group. He rode his fame from the Columbia strike into a prominent role for Weatherman, but faded in importance, unwilling or unable to match the bent for violence of the others. Jim Mellen and Bill Ayers were two non-Jews in early leadership positions. Mellen was an older theoretician who worked with Ayers in Ann Arbor, but he quickly left the group when he realized how set on violence they were. Ayers, however, became one of the most important and enduring leaders of the group. Jeff Jones was another non-Jew with a lengthy tenure in the leadership. Jones and Ayers were, tellingly, both lovers of Dohrn after she moved on from Jacobs, and both derived significant authority from the liaison. Dohrn’s power is revealed also in the fact that she was the main mover in the expulsion of Jacobs from the organization after the townhouse; he was made a scapegoat for the “error.” Dohrn continued in the acknowledged top spot for years. She issued the communiques and drove the agenda.

Others among the top leadership were Terry Robbins (obviously short-lived), Howard Machtinger (cousin of Ted Gold), Robbie Roth, Eleanor Raskin (both later added to the “Central Committee”), and Ronald Fliegelman. All Jews. Fliegelman stands out in this group because he became the bomb-maker. After the townhouse, he volunteered to master the art of bomb-making and reportedly manufactured most or all of the bombs that Weather subsequently used. One of the Weathermen later said that without him, “there would be no Weather Underground.”¹⁹

John Jacobs (left) and Terry Robbins

The top theoreticians of Weatherman were Jacobs, Mellen, and Dohrn. The top militants were Robbins, Ayers, and Jacobs. The person in the brightest spotlight throughout was Dohrn.

The Jewish cohort seems to diminish slightly as one descends into the middling leadership group, and then again into the rank-and-file. However, this is hard to calculate exactly, as it is hard to gauge the membership.

Motivation of Weatherman   
What was the motivation of Gold and the other Jews of Weatherman? What part did their Jewish background play? Motivations are complicated, but I am willing to grant the Weathermen a measure of idealism. Men virtually always strive toward some good they see in a course of action; vanishingly few are perverse and strive for something they know is evil. Gold and the Weathermen apparently felt very deeply for peoples of color and the struggles they faced. Gold’s father donated his time to serve the poor and Ted volunteered to tutor Blacks in Harlem. However, the idealism of the Jews of Weatherman was perverted; it was a canopy that also sheltered self-interest, murder and lust for power. Idealism also varied; it was the entire motivation for some, but very weak for others. We have seen that at least some of the radicals were utterly cynical in their use of issues. Probably the idealism was purer in the beginning, and faded in the fire.

Another aspect to consider in plumbing the depths of motivation is self-deception. Self-interest so easily and imperceptibly cloaks itself with morality. Kevin MacDonald discusses this matter perceptively in his discussion of the Left (p. 90ff) in Culture of Critique. Radical Jews, in common with many humans, often have little awareness of their own motivations, and not even the deeper ones.

There is plenty of evidence that the Jews of Weatherman were motivated by Jewish concerns.

The Jews of Weatherman were not benighted caftan-wearers stumbling out of the ghetto armed with rabbinic injunctions against the goyim; they were middle- or upper-class youth strutting onto top universities mindful of parental injunctions against the goyim. Not much of a difference. Mark Rudd provides choice testimony in this regard: “What outraged me and my comrades so much about Columbia, along with its hypocrisy, was the air of genteel civility. Or should I say gentile? Despite the presence of so many Jews in the faculty and among the students . . . the place was dripping with goyishness . . . Certainly I reveled in my role of head barbarian within the gates.”²⁰

Then there is the emotional reaction to perceived injustice. Cathy Wilkerson remembers, “From the first, Teddy Gold had a deep sensitivity to injustice. This was encouraged and deepened by the stories his parents . . . told about the treatment of their families as Jews in Eastern Europe and Russia.”²¹ Wilkerson, a good friend of Gold, must have gotten this information straight from him. If so, it must have occupied his thoughts a good deal, and nurtured resentment.

National Socialist Germany and the holocaust figured prominently in the minds of the Weathermen, even before the holocaust became such an omnipresent phenomenon in American culture. A major Weatherman motif was the need to avoid standing by and allowing injustice to occur; they often reiterated the need to avoid being like the “good Germans” who did not resist but simply “went along.” Rudd says, “World War II and the holocaust were our fixed reference points. This was only twenty years after the end of the war. We often talked about the moral imperative to not be Good Germans.”²²

David Gilbert’s parents taught him, “unambiguously,” that racism was wrong. “These values grew out of their experiences being Jewish following the Holocaust,” he wrote later. David’s first essay was about the “wonderfully accomplished” life of a man named Carl; the essay ended “But none of the above ever happened because Carl was killed, as a young boy, in a concentration camp.”²³

Within a typically Jewish perspective, these Weathermen easily transferred their perceptions of National Socialist Germany to the US government. After all, both regimes were White, were they not? Not much difference in Jewish minds. It is a neurological fact that outsiders find it hard to discern variations within a different race. Rudd again: “We saw American racism as akin to German racism toward the Jews. As we learned more about the [Vietnam] war . . . we started describing the war as racist genocide, reflecting the genocide of the holocaust. American imperialist goals around the world were to us little different from the Nazi goal of global conquest.”²⁴ [Emphasis added.]

Other sources insist radical Jews are motivated by “tikkun olam,” the purported holy imperative to “heal the world.” Rudd has a most hilarious rejoinder. “As a kid in Maplewood [attending synagogue] I never heard of tikkun olam, the now well-known commandment to repair the world. For all I know, Michael Lerner made the whole thing up.”²⁵ (Lerner was a sixties radical turned progressive rabbi.) Rudd is hitting pretty close to the mark here; see this. “Tikkun olam” apparently does not represent a tradition of Jewish concern for justice in the outer world, but merely a concern for better implementation of laws within the Jewish world.

There are other, more minor, but still indicative Jewish aspects to the Weatherman phenomenon. David Horowitz and Peter Collier in their superb account describe the attraction that Jeff Jones, a blond California gentile, felt to the Weatherman leaders, “Like other WASPs, he was attracted to the Jewish drama of the new group and to ‘struggle sessions’ during which Rudd, Robbins, and J.J. [John Jacobs] histrionically argued their positions.”²⁶ Here we see the intense verbal interplay and knowledge of texts that is a traditional element of Jewish life.

Another gentile, Bill Ayers, in his pretentious and often mendacious memoir, gives this odd reaction to his immersion in Marx coupled with the unjust expulsion of a Jewish friend from school:

I didn’t want to be a goy. I drew a Star of David and the word Jew on my forearm . . . recolored it for weeks and kept it hidden under my jacket. In Kerry’s honor, and for Marx as well, I invented another identity, part rootless, wandering scholar, part brilliant if ill-tempered Moor—I imagined myself a Jew.²⁷

Bill Ayers mugshot

Conclusion    
Weatherman was a movement led almost wholly by Jews, concerned deeply with Jewish themes, and straining fanatically towards a potentially genocidal communist dictatorship in which they could hold untrammeled power over the Whites of America. The movement evoked half a dozen earlier communist movements, each with their clique of Jewish leaders bent on revenge.

Thankfully, Weatherman was a tiny movement, virtually powerless against the vast and stable American society and government. Tragically, however, they and their leftist peers have carried out the Gramscian “long march” through American society and have shaped much of the country to their image. Dohrn, Boudin, and Ayers have all been employed by prestigious universities. Virtually all American institutions are presently committed to the attack on “White privilege.”

Have the Weathermen triumphed after all? Will the attack on Whites proceed from historical monuments and free speech, to flesh and blood? It seems likely. Patriots, brace yourselves.

---

Endnotes

1. Information on Gold’s youth can be found in two short biographies: Kirkpatrick Sale, “Ted Gold: Education for Violence,” in Weatherman, edited by Harold Jacobs (Ramparts Press, 1970), 470-484, and Flying Close to the Sun: My Life and Times as a Weatherman by Cathy Wilkerson (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2007), 396-98.
2. Sale, 474.
3. Stanley Rothman and S. Robert Lichter, Roots of Radicalism: Jews, Christians, and the New Left. (New York: 1982), 80-83; Kevin MacDonald, The Culture of Critique: An Evolutionary Analysis of Jewish Involvement in Twentieth-Century Intellectual and Political Movements. (2002), 76-77. See also Mark Rudd, “Why Were There so Many Jews in SDS? (Or, the Ordeal of Civility).” Viewed July 11, 2017. http://www.markrudd.com/?about-mark-rudd/why-were-there-so-many-jews-in-sds-or-the-ordeal-of-civility.htm
4. Mark Rudd, Underground: My Life with SDS and the Weathermen (New York: 2010), Ch. 3. See also Sale, 474-76.
5. Here is a view of Ignatiev from the right. Here is another. See also “Theodore Allen” in Wikipedia.org. Robin Morgan, the Jewish feminist, was told by an unnamed Weatherwoman that she had no right to have the male “pig” baby [i.e., White] she was holding. Morgan, no shrinking Leftist violet, was shocked. “How can you say that? What should I do?” she asked. “Put it in the garbage,” the Weatherwoman told her. This story appears in Abe Peck, Uncovering the Sixties: The Life and Times of the Underground Press (New York: Pantheon Books, 1985), 217.
6. For Weatherman ideology, see John Jacobs, et.al, “You Don’t Need a Weatherman to Tell Which Way the Wind Blows,” in Harold Jacobs, 51-90. See also Rudd, Underground, 147-48.
7. Mark Rudd, Underground, 115.
8. Rothman and Lichter, Roots of Radicalism, 35.
9. Kevin MacDonald, The Culture of Critique, Note 83.
10. For an account of this “council,” see David Horowitz and Peter Collier, Destructive Generation: Second Thoughts About the ‘60s (New York: Summit Books, 1990), 95-7. See also “Stormy Weather” in Harold Jacobs, 341-50.
11. “Stormy Weather” in H. Jacobs, 343.
12. Mark Rudd, Underground, 194.
13. Larry Grathwohl, Bringing Down America (New Rochelle: Arlington House, 1976), 183-84.
14. Stephane Courtois, et. al., The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999), 103-04. The passage can be viewed here.
15. Good descriptions of the New York cell can be found in Bryan Burrough, Days of Rage: America’s Radical Underground, The FBI, and the Forgotten Age of Revolutionary Violence (New York: Penguin, 2015), 92 and 100-05; in Rudd, Underground, 192-94; and in Cathy Wilkerson, Flying Close to the Sun (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2007), 324-44.
16. Bryan Burrough, Days of Rage, 93.
17. Mark Rudd, Underground, 192.
18. Mark Rudd, Underground, 197.
19. Bryan Burrough, Days of Rage, 125
20. Mark Rudd, “Why Were There so Many Jews in SDS?”
21. Cathy Wilkerson, Flying, 396.
22. Mark Rudd, “Why Were There so Many Jews in SDS?”
23. David Gilbert, Love and Struggle: My Life in SDS, the Weather Underground, and Beyond (Oakland: PM Press, 2012), 15
24. Mark Rudd (Why Were There so Many Jews in SDS?)
25. Mark Rudd, “Why Were There so Many Jews in SDS?
26. Horowitz and Collier, 80-81
27. Bill Ayers, Fugitive Days: Memoirs of an Antiwar Activist (Boston: Beacon Press, 2009), 38.

 

 

Weather Underground ex Wiki   
The Weather Underground Organization (WUO), commonly known as the Weather Underground, was an American militant radical left-wing organization founded on the Ann Arbor campus of the University of Michigan. Originally called Weatherman, the group became known colloquially as the Weathermen. Weatherman organized in 1969 as a faction of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS)^[3] composed for the most part of the national office leadership of SDS and their supporters. Their political goal, stated in print after 1974, was to create a revolutionary party to overthrow U.S. imperialism.

With revolutionary positions characterized by black power and opposition to the Vietnam War,^[3] the group conducted a campaign of bombings through the mid-1970s and took part in actions such as the jailbreak of Timothy Leary. The "Days of Rage", their first public demonstration on October 8, 1969, was a riot in Chicago timed to coincide with the trial of the Chicago Seven. In 1970 the group issued a "Declaration of a State of War" against the United States government, under the name "Weather Underground Organization".^[4]

The bombing campaign targeted mostly government buildings, along with several banks. The group stated that the United States government had been exploiting other nations by waging war as a means of solidifying America as a greater nation. Most were preceded by evacuation warnings, along with communiqués identifying the particular matter that the attack was intended to protest. No people were killed in any of their acts of property destruction, although three members of the group were killed in the accidental Greenwich Village townhouse explosion.

For the bombing of the United States Capitol on March 1, 1971, they issued a communiqué saying that it was "in protest of the U.S. invasion of Laos". For the bombing of the Pentagon on May 19, 1972, they stated that it was "in retaliation for the U.S. bombing raid in Hanoi". For the January 29, 1975 bombing of the United States Department of State building, they stated that it was "in response to the escalation in Vietnam".^[4][5]

The Weathermen grew out of the Revolutionary Youth Movement (RYM) faction of SDS. It took its name from Bob Dylan's lyric, "You don't need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows", from the song "Subterranean Homesick Blues" (1965). "You Don't Need a Weatherman to Know Which Way the Wind Blows" was the title of a position paper that they distributed at an SDS convention in Chicago on June 18, 1969. This founding document called for a "white fighting force" to be allied with the "Black Liberation Movement" and other radical movements^[6] to achieve "the destruction of U.S. imperialism and achieve a classless world: world communism".^[7]

The Weathermen began to disintegrate after the United States reached a peace accord in Vietnam in 1973,^[8] after which the New Left declined in influence. By 1977, the organization was defunct.